Ukraine Symposium – Deception and the Law of Armed Conflict

by | Sep 8, 2022

HIMARS

As Ukraine continues to defend against Russian invasion, its armed forces are increasingly turning to deception operations to minimize their asymmetrical disadvantages with Russian forces. As part of the campaign to regain control of Kharkiv, for example, Ukraine’s forces employed mannequins strapped to trees and other cover wearing military fatigues and armed with fake rifles to “confuse attacking Russian forces.” While the decoys obviously look fake at close range, they have been “mostly effective against helicopters and aircraft” that engage forces from greater distances. In other areas, similar “scarecrow soldiers” armed with mock portable anti-aircraft missiles have also fooled Russian pilots wary of being shot down by Stinger missiles.

More recently, Ukraine has protected its High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS) – high-value targets due to their impact on Russia’s combat operations – using wooden decoys to fool Russia into exhausting its cruise missile stocks. Because the inexpensive decoys are nearly indistinguishable from the real systems when spotted by Russian unmanned aerial vehicles, Russian warships are needlessly expending cruise missiles against them. Indeed, Russia has mistakenly “claimed to have hit more HIMARS than [the U.S. has] even sent.”

Such deception operations raise the issue of whether Ukraine is committing acts of perfidy prohibited by the law of armed conflict or conducting lawful ruses long permitted in war. This post provides a brief overview of how the law of armed conflict regulates military deception and explains why Ukraine’s use of mannequins and decoys is lawful.

Unlawful Deceptions Under the Law of Armed Conflict

Generally, parties to an armed conflict must observe the principle of “good faith” with their enemies (DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.21). Two notable deceptions that breach this rule of conduct are perfidy and misuse of distinctive emblems. While practitioners often conflate them because they both involve false pretenses, they are distinct violations. Russia and Ukraine are Parties to the 1907 Hague Convention IV’s Annexed Regulations, the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and their 1977 Additional Protocol I, which contain the relevant treaty law for both perfidy and misuse of distinctive emblems.

Perfidy

With respect to perfidy, Article 23 of the Annexed Regulations states that soldiers may not “kill or wound treacherously” the enemy. Seven decades later, Article 37 of Additional Protocol I refined this rule by replacing the term treachery with perfidy and including capture as a prohibited activity (see ICRC Commentary, ¶ 1488). It provides,

It is prohibited to kill, injure, or capture an adversary by resort to perfidy. Acts inviting the confidence of an adversary to lead him to believe that he is entitled to, or is obliged to accord, protection under the rules of international law applicable in armed conflict, with intent to betray that confidence, shall constitute perfidy.

As is apparent, the prohibition has multiple components. First, perfidy requires a false claim to protection under the law of war, such as those prescribed by the Geneva Conventions or Additional Protocol I (see U.S. DoD Law of War Manual § 5.22.1). A soldier placed hors de combat due to becoming wounded, for example, may not be made the object of attack (Geneva Convention I, art. 12). Feigning injury, therefore, would be a false claim to this protection (see AP I, art. 37(1)(b)). Similarly, wrongfully wearing a Red Cross, a distinctive emblem under the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I, would be a false claim to the protections provided for personnel performing medical functions (see, e.g., Geneva Convention I, arts. 24, 25, 38, and 39).

Ukraine is not claiming its decoys are entitled to any international legal protections. Indeed, its claims are quite the opposite – armed forces and their artillery systems are undeniably military objectives liable to attack (see generally DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.6). Thus, the Ukrainian deception operations under consideration do not qualify as perfidy.

Next, an offender must intend to deceive by betraying the enemy’s confidence in the falsely claimed legal protection (see ICRC 1987 Commentary, ¶ 1500). In other words, the purpose of the false claim must be to exploit the particular status at issue. Feigning injury or misusing a distinctive emblem, for example, may “invite the enemy’s confidence” that the individual or object concerned enjoys protection under the law of armed conflict, but those acts would not constitute perfidy unless the offender commits them with an intent to leverage the enemy’s reliance on their respective protections.

While Ukraine’s forces are admittedly intending to deceive their enemy, they are not intending to betray Russians’ confidence in the rules of war. Accordingly, in addition to the absence of a false claim to legal protections, Ukraine’s actions lack the requisite intent to constitute perfidy.

Finally, the law of armed conflict does not proscribe all perfidious acts. Absent a causal nexus to killing, wounding, or capturing, it does not prohibit them (see ICRC 1987 Commentary, ¶¶ 1490–91). In this case, the intent is merely to cause the enemy to waste valuable resources and confuse its targeting analysis

Readers should note there is a “permanent controversy” surrounding this requirement because it provides a “considerable number of possibilities to indulge in perfidious conduct…not directly aimed at killing, injuring or capturing” the enemy (ICRC 1987 Commentary, ¶ 1492; see also Watts, pp. 144–47). It does not prohibit, for example, feigning an injury to escape the enemy during battle (DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.22.1.1). Further, it is unclear whether perfidy includes attempts to kill, wound, or capture (see ¶¶ 1491–95). Strictly construed, Article 37 does not proscribe failed attempts to achieve an intended result (see ¶ 1492; Watts, p. 146; but see ¶ 1493). Hague IV’s Annexed Regulations, on the other hand, expressly prohibit attempts to kill or wound (see Article 23).

The question of whether unlawful perfidy under customary law includes the act of capturing the enemy is not well-settled. In its Customary International Humanitarian Law study, the ICRC claims that the “killing, injuring, or capturing [of] an adversary by resort to perfidy is prohibited” (Rule 65). Thus, in its view, the customary prohibition mirrors Additional Protocol I, Article 37.

But some States that are not Parties to the Protocol, including the United States, argue that the prohibition has historically only applied to killing or wounding (see DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.22.2.1; Rule 65’s Commentary). For instance, the 1883 Lieber Code, which purported to codify customary practice, only condemned “clandestine or treacherous attempts to injure an enemy” (Article 101; see also 1874 Brussels Declaration, art. 13(b); 1880 Oxford Manual, art. 8(b)). This exclusion of capture is also consistent with the treatment of perfidy as a war crime under international criminal law (see Elements of Crimes, Rome Statute, art. 8(2)(b)(xi)). This debate is moot in the Russia – Ukraine conflict because both parties are bound by Article 37 of Additional Protocol I.

To summarize, Ukrainian forces are deliberately using deception to gain military advantages that could potentially lead to the death, injury, or capture of Russian troops. But, as explained above, they are not doing so “by resort[ing] to perfidy.”

Misuse of Emblems

In some cases, deception operations that do not qualify as perfidy are nevertheless unlawful on other grounds. Article 23 of Hague Convention IV’s Annexed Regulations forbids the “improper use” of the “distinctive badges of the [1906] Geneva Convention.” Additional Protocol I extends this proscription to “the distinctive emblem of the red cross, red crescent or red lion and sun or of other emblems, signs or signals provided for by the [1949 Geneva] Conventions or by this Protocol,” as well as to unauthorized use of the “distinctive emblem of the United Nations” (Article 38).

Customary international law contains similar prohibitions (see ICRC’s Customary International Humanitarian Law study, Rules 59, 60, 61). Although neither Article 23 nor Article 38 defines improper use, the term’s customary interpretation is “any use other than that for which the distinctive emblems were intended” (ICRC’s Customary International Humanitarian Law study, Rule 59). Thus, emblems may only be used to identify applicable personnel, equipment, or locations (see DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.24.2–6). To illustrate, the rule prohibits applying a red cross on a vehicle not exclusively used for medical purposes (see Rule 59; Geneva Convention I, arts. 35 and 39; DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.24.2). Thus, misuse of emblems condemns false claims to special legal protections provided by international humanitarian law.

In contrast to perfidy, however, the misuse of emblems is a per se law of war violation that does not require a particular result, such as killing, wounding, or capturing the enemy (see AP I, art. 38; ICRC’s Customary International Humanitarian Law study, Rules 59, 60, 61; see also DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.24). Returning to the example above, the rule prohibits applying a Red Cross to a non-medical military vehicle, even if forces are not using it to attack the enemy (see ICRC 1987 Commentary, ¶ 1532). But if the pretense deliberately results in the enemy’s death, injury, or capture, it constitutes both misuse and perfidy.

Regarding Ukraine’s mock soldiers and equipment, its forces are self-evidently not misusing any distinctive emblems. In fact, the use of HIMARS decoys is so effective because Russian troops are “invited” to target them as supposed military objectives. Ukraine is undoubtedly trying to fool Russia’s reconnaissance efforts, but not by abusing the legal protections afforded distinctive emblems.

Ruses and the Law of Armed Conflict

Ukraine’s forces may not be resorting to perfidy or misusing distinctive emblems, but they are intentionally misleading Russians in an effort to even the odds. Unlike perfidy and misuse, however, such “ruses of war” are permissible under longstanding rules of both treaty and customary international law (see, e.g., Hague IV’s Annexed Regulations, art. 24; ICRC’s Customary International Humanitarian Law study, Rule 57; DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.25.1). As stated in Additional Protocol I, ruses are “acts which are intended to mislead an adversary or to induce him to act recklessly but which infringe no rule of international law applicable in armed conflict and which are not perfidious because they do not invite the confidence of an adversary with respect to protection under that law.” (Article 37).

Although perfidy and ruses intend to confuse or mislead the enemy, ruses do not exploit an enemy’s good faith reliance on international legal protections (e.g., civilians, wounded and sick, emblems, etc.). Nor can the tricks ruses employ violate any other rules under the law of armed conflict (ICRC’s Customary International Humanitarian Law study, Rule 57; DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.25.1.2). For example, “although fighting in the enemy’s uniform would not be perfidy since enemy military personnel are not generally protected by the law of war, fighting in the enemy’s uniform also would not be a ruse, since such action would infringe upon the rule against improper use of the enemy’s uniform” (§ 5.25.1.2).

As the long lineage of these rules implies, militaries have commonly employed ruses throughout history for various purposes (see DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.25.1.1). For instance, to ensure the success of the D-Day invasion of Normandy during the Second World War, the Allies relied on surprise, camouflage to disguise forces, disinformation (e.g., Operation Bodyguard), false intercepts (e.g., Operation Mincemeat), a “Ghost Army” of inflatable tanks, and dummy paratroopers imitating an airborne assault (Operation Titanic), among other misleading tactics. In sum, forces may lawfully surprise, trick, confound, or mislead the enemy so long as such deceptions are not perfidious and do not otherwise violate the law of armed conflict.

The use of mannequins and wooden decoys to fool Russia’s forces are classic ruses. As illustrated by the DoD Law of War Manual, “inducing enemy forces to waste their resources” and “misleading the enemy as to the planned targets or locations of military operations” are textbook examples of lawful ruses intended to mislead the enemy or cause him to act recklessly (§ 5.25.1.1). Ukraine’s mannequins and scarecrows are “confus[ing] incoming [Russian] forces that might try to make a push” against Ukraine-controlled territory. Similarly, Russian forces are targeting wooden replicas they believe to be high-value HIMARS artillery systems that have devastatingly impacted their operations. As a result, they are expending valuable cruise missiles without success, thereby reducing their inventories for use against Ukraine’s actual forces.

Ukraine’s mannequins, scarecrows, and decoys are plainly lawful. But their success is also remarkable considering Russians traditionally pride themselves as masters of military deception, or what they call maskirovka. By confusing Russian forces using mannequins “likely scavenged from destroyed buildings,” Ukraine’s forces are ironically turning Russians’ favorite tactic against them.

Conclusion

Ukraine’s use of HIMARS decoys to trick Russian forces into wasting its missile inventory is a classic example of a lawful ruse of war. Unlawful perfidy prohibits using international law’s protections as a sword instead of a shield. It requires a false claim to protections under the law of war that results in the enemy’s death, injury, or – if Additional Protocol I applies – capture. Ukraine’s deceptions do not implicate these requirements, nor do they violate any other provisions of the law of armed conflict. Accordingly, Ukraine’s use of decoys is permissible under international law.

***

Major William C. Biggerstaff is a military professor at the Stockton Center for International Law at the U.S. Naval War College, where he co-teaches a course on the Law of Armed Conflict.

 

Photo credit: Airman 1st Class Jonathan Valdes Montijo, U.S. Air Force

 

 

RELATED POSTS

Symposium Intro: Ukraine-Russia Armed Conflict

by 

February 28, 2022

Russia’s “Special Military Operation” and the (Claimed) Right of Self-Defense

by 

February 28, 2022

Legal Status of Ukraine’s Resistance Forces

by Ronald Alcala and Steve Szymanski

February 28, 2022

Cluster Munitions and the Ukraine War

by 

February 28, 2022

Neutrality in the War against Ukraine

by 

March 1, 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War and the European Convention on Human Rights

by 

March 1, 2022

Deefake Technology in the Age of Information Warfare

by 

March 1, 2022

Ukraine and the Defender’s Obligations

by 

March 2, 2022

Are Molotov Cocktails Lawful Weapons?

by 

March 2, 2022

Application of IHL by and to Proxies: The “Republics” of Donetsk and Luhansk

by 

March 3, 2022

Closing the Turkish Straits in Times of War

by 

March 3, 2020

The Abuse of “Peacekeeping”

by 

March 3, 2022

Prisoners of War in Occupied Territory

by 

March 3, 2022

Combatant Privileges and Protections

by 

March 4, 2022

Siege Law

by 

March 4, 2022

Russia’s Illegal Invasion of Ukraine & the Role of International Law

by 

March 4, 2022

Russian Troops Out of Uniform and Prisoner of War Status

by  and 

March 4, 2022

On War

by 

March 5, 2022

Providing Arms and Materiel to Ukraine: Neutrality, Co-belligerency, and the Use of Force

by 

March 7, 2022

Keeping the Ukraine-Russia Jus ad Bellum and Jus in Bello Issues Separate

by 

March 7, 2022

The Other Side of Civilian Protection: The 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention

by 

March 7, 2022

Special Forces, Unprivileged Belligerency, and the War in the Shadows

by 

March 8, 2022

Accountability and Ukraine: Hurdles to Prosecuting War Crimes and Aggression

by 

March 9, 2022

Remarks on the Law Relating to the Use of Force in the Ukraine Conflict

by 

March 9, 2022

Consistency and Change in Russian Approaches to International Law

by 

March 9, 2022

The Fog of War, Civilian Resistance, and the Soft Underbelly of Unprivileged Belligerency

by 

March 10, 2022

Common Article 1 and the Conflict in Ukraine

by 

March 10, 2022

Levée en Masse in Ukraine: Applications, Implications, and Open Questions

by  and 

March 11, 2022

The Attack at the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Plant and Additional Protocol I

by 

March 13, 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War and the Space Domain

by 

March 14, 2022

Fact-finding in Ukraine: Can Anything Be Learned from Yemen?

by 

March 14, 2022

Status of Foreign Fighters in the Ukrainian Legion

by  and 

March 15, 2022

Law Applicable to Persons Fleeing Armed Conflicts

by 

March 15, 2022

Ukraine’s Legal Counterattack

by 

March 17, 2022

The ICJ’s Provisional Measures Order: Unprecedented

by 

March 17, 2022

Displacement from Conflict: Old Realities, New Protections?

by 

March 17, 2022

A No-Fly Zone Over Ukraine and International Law

by 

March 18, 2022

Time for a New War Crimes Commission?

by 

March 18, 2022

Portending Genocide in Ukraine?

by 

March 21, 2022

Are Mercenaries in Ukraine?

by 

March 21, 2022

Abducting Dissent: Kidnapping Public Officials in Occupied Ukraine

by 

March 22, 2022

Are Thermobaric Weapons Unlawful?

by 

March 23, 2022

A Ukraine No-Fly Zone: Further Thoughts on the Law and Policy

by 

March 23, 2022

The War at Sea: Is There a Naval Blockade in the Sea of Azov?

by 

March 24, 2022

Deportation of Ukrainian Civilians to Russia: The Legal Framework

by 

March 24, 2022

Weaponizing Food

by 

March 28, 2022

Command Responsibility and the Ukraine Conflict

by 

March 30, 2022

The Siren Song of Universal Jurisdiction: A Cautionary Note

byand 

April 1, 2022

A War Crimes Primer on the Ukraine-Russia Conflict

by and 

April 4, 2022

Russian Booby-traps and the Ukraine Conflict

by 

April 5, 2022

The Ukraine Conflict, Smart Phones, and the LOAC of Takings

by 

April 7, 2022

War Crimes against Children

by 

April 8, 2022

Weaponizing Civilians: Human Shields in Ukraine

by 

April 11, 2022

Unprecedented Environmental Risks

by 

April 12, 2022

Maritime Exclusion Zones in Armed Conflicts

by 

April 12, 2022

Ukraine’s Levée en Masse and the Obligation to Ensure Respect for LOAC

by 

April 14, 2022

Cultural Property Protection in the Ukraine Conflict

by 

April 14, 2022

Results of a First Enquiry into Violations of International Humanitarian Law in Ukraine

by 

April 14, 2022

Comprehensive Justice and Accountability in Ukraine

by 

April 15, 2022

Maritime Neutrality in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict

by 

April 18, 2022

Cyber Neutrality, Cyber Recruitment, and Cyber Assistance to Ukraine

by 

April 19, 2022

Defiance of Russia’s Demand to Surrender and Combatant Status

by  and 

April 22, 2022

The Montreux Convention and Turkey’s Impact on Black Sea Operations

by  and 

April 25, 2022

Lawful Use of Nuclear Weapons

by  and 

April 26, 2022

Litigating Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine

by 

April 27, 2022

Military Networks and Cyber Operations in the War in Ukraine

by 

April 29, 2022

Building Momentum: Next Steps towards Justice for Ukraine

by 

May 2, 2022

Counternormativity and the International Order

by 

May 3, 2022

Destructive Counter-Mobility Operations and the Law of War

by  and 

May 5, 2022

Are We at War?

by 

May 9, 2022

The Ukraine Conflict and the Future of Digital Cultural Property

by 

May 13, 2022

Neutral State Access to Ukraine’s Food Exports

by 

May 18, 2022

Negotiating an End to the Fighting

by 

May 24, 2022

Is the Law of Neutrality Dead?

by 

May 31, 2022

Effects-based Enforcement of Targeting Law

by  and 

June 2, 2022

U.S. Offensive Cyber Operations in Support of Ukraine

by 

June 6, 2022

War Sanctions Steadily Degrade the Russian Maritime Sector

by 

June 7, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 1

by 

June 22, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 2

by 

June 24, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 3

by 

June 28, 2022

Putting “Overall Control” to the Test of the Third Geneva Convention

by

July 6, 2022

The Risk of Commercial Actors in Outer Space Drawing States into Armed Conflict

by Tara Brown

July 8, 2022

The Release of Prisoners of War

by

July 8, 2022

The Attack on the Vasily Bekh and Targeting Logistics Ships

by

July 11, 2022

Lessons from Syria’s Ceasefires

by

July 12, 2022

Documentation and Investigation Responses to Serious International Crimes

by Brianne McGonigle Leyh

July 13, 2022

Rebel Prosecutions of Foreign Fighters in Ukraine

by René Provost

July 15, 2022

Forced Civilian Labor in Occupied Territory

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 2, 2022

Forced Conscription in the Self-Declared Republics

by Marten Zwanenburg

August 8, 2022

Amnesty International’s Allegations of Ukrainian IHL Violations

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 8, 2022

Oil Tankers as “Environmental Time Bombs,” or Not

by Mark Jessup

August 12, 2022

The Escalating Military Use of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Plant

by Tom Dannenbaum

August 22, 2022

Protected Zones in International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 24, 2022

Photos of the Dead

by William Casey Biggerstaff

August 19, 2022

Print Friendly, PDF & Email