Ukraine Symposium – The “I Want to Live” Project and Technologically-Enabled Surrender

by , | Jan 13, 2023

Surrender

In their ongoing armed conflict, the Russian Federation and Ukraine have engaged in sustained information campaigns using leaflets, social media posts, radio appeals, text messages, and television spots to provoke surrenders. Further leveraging modern communications technology, Ukraine launched the “I Want to Live” Project in September 2022 to encourage, enable, and empower Russian military personnel to surrender to Ukrainian armed forces. Beyond communicating with Russian soldiers on where and how to surrender, the Ukrainian military has employed drones to guide Russians attempting to surrender.

This post discusses the project and technologically-enabled surrender through the Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC).

The “I Want to Live Project”

The project allows Russian soldiers to contact a handler by phone, website, or messenger app to arrange their surrender to Ukrainian forces. There have been several thousand contacts thus far, most made during the evening hours when Russian soldiers have free time. Although all contacts are different, some Russian soldiers have called not to actually surrender but to learn how they might surrender, should the need arise in the future.

For security reasons, precise operational and logistical details of the project are sparse. However, Vitalii Matviyenko, who directs “I Want to Live,” has stated that the project is designed to save the lives of Russian soldiers. Given the highly precarious nature and circumstances of surrender, Matviyenko emphasized that Ukraine guarantees complete security of all conversations and correspondence with potential Russian prisoners of war. He emphasized that surrendering Russians are treated consistently with the Geneva Conventions. He further stated that treatment includes three meals a day, medical care, and the opportunity to contact relatives in Russia or the occupied territories of Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk oblast.

Not surprisingly, Russia has taken steps to disrupt the Ukrainian initiative. Among other measures, it has blocked phone numbers from being reached inside Russia and have threatened to harshly punish soldiers who contact the Ukrainians to surrender.

Enter Drones

Ukraine initiated the “I Want to Live” project at a particularly opportune time in the armed conflict, not only for Russian soldiers interested in surrendering but also for the Ukrainians who benefit from a technologically-enabled mechanism that promotes and facilitates increased capitulation of Russian soldiers. Worsening weather in Ukraine, coupled with Russian setbacks on the battlefield and the expanded use of military conscripts by Russia, will foreseeably lead an increasing number of soldiers and their families to contact “I Want to Live.”

In addition to “I Want to Live” and similar efforts using modern communications channels, the Ukrainian armed forces have used drones to facilitate the surrender of Russian soldiers. In late November 2022, Ukrainian armed forces released footage of a Russian soldier throwing his weapon to the ground, raising his hands, and following a drone to a point of capture. To facilitate such surrenders and to promote the “I Want to Live” project, the Ukrainian armed forces released an instructional video explaining how Russian soldiers can surrender to a Ukrainian drone.

Enter LOAC

The project and the use of drones are laudable efforts of modern communications and unmanned aerial vehicle technologies to save lives in complex and dangerous battlefield situations. Although there is currently limited information on its use and results, the project provides an opportunity to consider a bedrock LOAC concept: the rule of surrender.

The US Department of Defense Law of War Manual provides that “combatants placed hors de combat must not be made the object of attack” (§ 4.4.1; see also § 5.5.2). According to the Manual, the category of hors de combat includes persons who have surrendered (§ 5.9.3). To be effective, surrender must be: “(1) genuine; (2) clear and unconditional; and (3) under circumstances where it is feasible for the opposing party to accept surrender” (§ 5.9.3).

The roots of these longstanding LOAC rules of surrender run deep and featured in the Lieber Code, the Brussels Declaration, and the Oxford Manual. The Hague Regulations especially forbid killing or wounding a defenseless, surrendering enemy. Additional Protocol I to the 1949 Geneva Conventions also prohibits attacks against persons recognized as hors de combat, making such attacks grave breaches. Similar prohibitions are reflected in Common Article 3 and Additional Protocol II to the 1949 Geneva Conventions.

Generally speaking, an individual combatant communicates the intent to surrender by laying down arms and raising hands. Both the Hague Regulations and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court mention laying down arms as an affirmative act that signifies intent to surrender. Some military manuals also cite waving a white flag as expressing an intention to surrender. Reflecting the customary international law standard, Additional Protocol I, Article 41(2)(c), which addresses safeguarding persons hors de combat, provides a person who clearly expresses an intention to surrender shall not be made the object of an attack.

Turning to the “I Want to Live” project, an initial expression of an intent to surrender is made to the Ukrainian handler over the phone, through a website, or on a messenger app. Unlike the typical circumstances of surrender during land warfare, where the expression of intent and the actual physical surrender are close in time and space, surrendering prisoners using “I Want to Live” will coordinate a later time and place for the physical surrender.

Practically and legally speaking, a soldier’s expressed intent to surrender using “I Want to Live” does not render that soldier hors de combat. Suppose that soldiers rejoined their unit waiting for an opportune time to leave the unit and travel to a location where they will physically surrender. Despite the expression of an intent to surrender, those soldiers are not hors de combat and are still a targetable combatants. On the other hand, when a Russian soldier arrives at a pre-arranged designated location for the capture, the surrender will likely follow the normal affirmative acts constituting a surrender. In both cases, a common-sense application of the rule of surrender is straightforward.

Practical Precedent and Application

Issues related to technologically-enabled surrender, and specifically surrendering to aircraft, are not unprecedented. For example, during the First Gulf War, Iraqi soldiers surrendered to US Apache and Kiowa attack helicopters. The overarching issue in such circumstances is when the surrendering soldier is hors de combat. Returning to the Ukraine conflict and drone scenario, one might argue that a Russian soldier is expressing an intention to surrender at the time they begin to follow the instructions from “I Want to Live” and start moving to the designated coordinates. But that intentions is, in practical terms, only clearly expressed at the point when the Russian meets the drone, puts down their weapon, and follows the drone. If the defenseless Russian soldier abstains from hostile acts or attempts to escape, it is reasonable to conclude they are hors de combat from that time until the actual physical capitulation to Ukrainian forces.

This understanding is consistent with the US position on surrender. The US standard is rooted in a good faith assessment of the information available at the time and hinges on the feasibility of surrender (§ 5.9.3.3). Recall especially the Manual’s conclusion that “[f]or an offer of surrender to render a person hors de combat, it must be feasible for the opposing party to accept the offer.” This, of course, can be difficult in combat. Thus, the Manual provides illustrations to help explain what is and is not feasible including where an enemy soldier attempts to surrender to an aircraft. In another example the Manual notes,

a soldier fifty meters from an enemy defensive position in the midst of an infantry assault by his unit could not throw down his weapon and raise his arms (as if to indicate his desire to surrender) and reasonably expect that the defending unit will be able to accept and accomplish his surrender while resisting the ongoing assault by his unit.” (§ 5.9.3.3)

While recognizing acceptance of surrender may not be feasible in some circumstances, the Manual also makes clear that offers to surrender cannot be refused because it is militarily inconvenient or difficult to guard prisoners of war (¶ 5.9.3.3). Further, the Manual reinforces that the point of hors de combat status is to recognize a combatant’s defenselessness. When Russian soldiers drops their weapons, raise their hands, and follow a drone to Ukrainian forces to be taken into custody, it is clear they are making a good faith effort to surrender and accepting that surrender is feasible.

Conclusion

We leave other challenging LOAC issues involving technology-enabled surrender (for example, questions concerning perfidy, legal compliance, and reprisals) unaddressed in this post. However, our purpose in providing an analysis of the “I Want to Live” project and the rule of surrender is to illustrate how technology is impacting the Ukraine-Russia conflict and the importance of applying the law with rigor and fidelity to seemingly new circumstances. In doing so, we believe this post confirms that, while emerging technology is quickly changing the character of warfare, LOAC is, as we have previously written, “a dynamic and fluid regulatory framework capable of addressing the myriad of challenges presented” on the contemporary battlefield.

***

Brigadier General (ret.) David A. Wallace previously served as the Professor and Head, Department of Law, United States Military Academy, West Point, New York, and has been designated a Professor Emeritus.

Brigadier General Shane Reeves is the 15th Dean of the Academic Board of the United States Military Academy, West Point.

The views expressed in this work are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the United States Naval Academy, United States Military Academy, the Department of the Navy, the Department of the Army, or the Department of Defense.

 

Photo credit: Ministry of Defense of Ukraine (mil.gov.ua)

RELATED POSTS

Symposium Intro: Ukraine-Russia Armed Conflict

by 

February 28, 2022

Russia’s “Special Military Operation” and the (Claimed) Right of Self-Defense

by 

February 28, 2022

Legal Status of Ukraine’s Resistance Forces

by Ronald Alcala and Steve Szymanski

February 28, 2022

Cluster Munitions and the Ukraine War

by 

February 28, 2022

Neutrality in the War against Ukraine

by 

March 1, 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War and the European Convention on Human Rights

by 

March 1, 2022

Deefake Technology in the Age of Information Warfare

by 

March 1, 2022

Ukraine and the Defender’s Obligations

by 

March 2, 2022

Are Molotov Cocktails Lawful Weapons?

by 

March 2, 2022

Application of IHL by and to Proxies: The “Republics” of Donetsk and Luhansk

by 

March 3, 2022

Closing the Turkish Straits in Times of War

by 

March 3, 2020

The Abuse of “Peacekeeping”

by 

March 3, 2022

Prisoners of War in Occupied Territory

by 

March 3, 2022

Combatant Privileges and Protections

by 

March 4, 2022

Siege Law

by 

March 4, 2022

Russia’s Illegal Invasion of Ukraine & the Role of International Law

by 

March 4, 2022

Russian Troops Out of Uniform and Prisoner of War Status

by  and 

March 4, 2022

On War

by 

March 5, 2022

Providing Arms and Materiel to Ukraine: Neutrality, Co-belligerency, and the Use of Force

by 

March 7, 2022

Keeping the Ukraine-Russia Jus ad Bellum and Jus in Bello Issues Separate

by 

March 7, 2022

The Other Side of Civilian Protection: The 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention

by 

March 7, 2022

Special Forces, Unprivileged Belligerency, and the War in the Shadows

by 

March 8, 2022

Accountability and Ukraine: Hurdles to Prosecuting War Crimes and Aggression

by 

March 9, 2022

Remarks on the Law Relating to the Use of Force in the Ukraine Conflict

by 

March 9, 2022

Consistency and Change in Russian Approaches to International Law

by 

March 9, 2022

The Fog of War, Civilian Resistance, and the Soft Underbelly of Unprivileged Belligerency

by 

March 10, 2022

Common Article 1 and the Conflict in Ukraine

by 

March 10, 2022

Levée en Masse in Ukraine: Applications, Implications, and Open Questions

by  and 

March 11, 2022

The Attack at the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Plant and Additional Protocol I

by 

March 13, 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War and the Space Domain

by 

March 14, 2022

Fact-finding in Ukraine: Can Anything Be Learned from Yemen?

by 

March 14, 2022

Status of Foreign Fighters in the Ukrainian Legion

by  and 

March 15, 2022

Law Applicable to Persons Fleeing Armed Conflicts

by 

March 15, 2022

Ukraine’s Legal Counterattack

by 

March 17, 2022

The ICJ’s Provisional Measures Order: Unprecedented

by 

March 17, 2022

Displacement from Conflict: Old Realities, New Protections?

by 

March 17, 2022

A No-Fly Zone Over Ukraine and International Law

by 

March 18, 2022

Time for a New War Crimes Commission?

by 

March 18, 2022

Portending Genocide in Ukraine?

by 

March 21, 2022

Are Mercenaries in Ukraine?

by 

March 21, 2022

Abducting Dissent: Kidnapping Public Officials in Occupied Ukraine

by 

March 22, 2022

Are Thermobaric Weapons Unlawful?

by 

March 23, 2022

A Ukraine No-Fly Zone: Further Thoughts on the Law and Policy

by 

March 23, 2022

The War at Sea: Is There a Naval Blockade in the Sea of Azov?

by 

March 24, 2022

Deportation of Ukrainian Civilians to Russia: The Legal Framework

by 

March 24, 2022

Weaponizing Food

by 

March 28, 2022

Command Responsibility and the Ukraine Conflict

by 

March 30, 2022

The Siren Song of Universal Jurisdiction: A Cautionary Note

byand 

April 1, 2022

A War Crimes Primer on the Ukraine-Russia Conflict

by and 

April 4, 2022

Russian Booby-traps and the Ukraine Conflict

by 

April 5, 2022

The Ukraine Conflict, Smart Phones, and the LOAC of Takings

by 

April 7, 2022

War Crimes against Children

by 

April 8, 2022

Weaponizing Civilians: Human Shields in Ukraine

by 

April 11, 2022

Unprecedented Environmental Risks

by 

April 12, 2022

Maritime Exclusion Zones in Armed Conflicts

by 

April 12, 2022

Ukraine’s Levée en Masse and the Obligation to Ensure Respect for LOAC

by 

April 14, 2022

Cultural Property Protection in the Ukraine Conflict

by 

April 14, 2022

Results of a First Enquiry into Violations of International Humanitarian Law in Ukraine

by 

April 14, 2022

Comprehensive Justice and Accountability in Ukraine

by 

April 15, 2022

Maritime Neutrality in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict

by 

April 18, 2022

Cyber Neutrality, Cyber Recruitment, and Cyber Assistance to Ukraine

by 

April 19, 2022

Defiance of Russia’s Demand to Surrender and Combatant Status

by  and 

April 22, 2022

The Montreux Convention and Turkey’s Impact on Black Sea Operations

by  and 

April 25, 2022

Lawful Use of Nuclear Weapons

by  and 

April 26, 2022

Litigating Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine

by 

April 27, 2022

Military Networks and Cyber Operations in the War in Ukraine

by 

April 29, 2022

Building Momentum: Next Steps towards Justice for Ukraine

by 

May 2, 2022

Counternormativity and the International Order

by 

May 3, 2022

Destructive Counter-Mobility Operations and the Law of War

by  and 

May 5, 2022

Are We at War?

by 

May 9, 2022

The Ukraine Conflict and the Future of Digital Cultural Property

by 

May 13, 2022

Neutral State Access to Ukraine’s Food Exports

by 

May 18, 2022

Negotiating an End to the Fighting

by 

May 24, 2022

Is the Law of Neutrality Dead?

by 

May 31, 2022

Effects-based Enforcement of Targeting Law

by  and 

June 2, 2022

U.S. Offensive Cyber Operations in Support of Ukraine

by 

June 6, 2022

War Sanctions Steadily Degrade the Russian Maritime Sector

by 

June 7, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 1

by 

June 22, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 2

by 

June 24, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 3

by 

June 28, 2022

Putting “Overall Control” to the Test of the Third Geneva Convention

by 

July 6, 2022

The Risk of Commercial Actors in Outer Space Drawing States into Armed Conflict

by Tara Brown

July 8, 2022

The Release of Prisoners of War

by 

July 8, 2022

The Attack on the Vasily Bekh and Targeting Logistics Ships

by 

July 11, 2022

Lessons from Syria’s Ceasefires

by 

July 12, 2022

Documentation and Investigation Responses to Serious International Crimes

by Brianne McGonigle Leyh

July 13, 2022

Rebel Prosecutions of Foreign Fighters in Ukraine

by René Provost

July 15, 2022

Forced Civilian Labor in Occupied Territory

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 2, 2022

Forced Conscription in the Self-Declared Republics

by Marten Zwanenburg

August 8, 2022

Amnesty International’s Allegations of Ukrainian IHL Violations

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 8, 2022

Oil Tankers as “Environmental Time Bombs,” or Not

by Mark Jessup

August 12, 2022

The Escalating Military Use of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Plant

by Tom Dannenbaum

August 22, 2022

Protected Zones in International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 24, 2022

Photos of the Dead

by William Casey Biggerstaff

August 19, 2022

Deception and the Law of Armed Conflict

by William Casey Biggerstaff

September 8, 2022

Data-Rich Battlefields and the Future of LOAC

by Shane ReevesRobert Lawless

September 12, 2022

Russian Crimes Against Children

by Oleksii KaminetskyiInna Zavorotko

September 14, 2022

Targeting Leadership

by Mehmet Çoban

September 16, 2022

Illegality of Russia’s Annexations in Ukraine

by Lauri Mälksoo

October 3, 2022

Russia’s Forcible Transfer of Children

by 

October 5, 2022

The Kerch Strait Bridge Attack, Retaliation, and International Law

by Marko MilanovicMichael N. Schmitt

October 12, 2022

Russian Preliminary Objections at the ICJ: The Case Must Go On?

by Ori Pomson

October 13, 2022

The Complicity of Iran in Russia’s Aggression and War Crimes in Ukraine

by 

October 19, 2022

Attacking Power Infrastructure under International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

October 20, 2022

Dirty Bombs and International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

October 26, 2022

Doxing Enemy Soldiers and the Law of War

by Eric Talbot JensenSean Watts

October 31, 2022

Are Civilians Reporting With Cell Phones Directly Participating in Hostilities?

by Michael N. SchmittWilliam Casey Biggerstaff

November 2, 2022

Using Cellphones to Gather and Transmit Military Information, A Postscript

by Michael N. Schmitt

November 4, 2022

State Responsibility for Non-State Actors’ Conduct

by Jennifer Maddocks

November 4, 2022

Reparations for War: What Options for Ukraine?

by Luke Moffett

November 15, 2022

Further Thoughts on Russia’s Campaign against Ukraine’s Power Infrastructure

by Michael N. Schmitt

November 25, 2022

Russia’s Allegations of U.S. Biological Warfare in Ukraine – Part I

by Robert Lawless

December 2, 2022

Russia’s Allegations of U.S. Biological Warfare in Ukraine – Part II

by Robert Lawless

December 9, 2022

The THeMIS Bounty Part I: Seizure of Enemy Property

by  and 

December 12, 2022

Classification of the Conflict(s)

by Michael N. Schmitt

December 14, 2022

The THeMIS Bounty Part II: Stealing Enemy Technology

by  and 

December 16, 2022

 

Print Friendly, PDF & Email