Ukraine Symposium – Russia’s Allegations of U.S. Biological Warfare in Ukraine – Part I

by | Dec 2, 2022

Biological weapons

During its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has accused the United States and Ukraine of collaborating to develop biological weapons in violation of international law. Russia’s claims led to a “formal consultative meeting” in Geneva pursuant to Article V of the Biological Weapons Convention.

In this post, which is in two parts, I analyze Russia’s biological warfare claims in light of the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention. In Part 1, I narrate the factual dispute between Russia and the United States concerning the development of biological weapons in Ukraine. Then, I review the Convention’s rules, obligations, and rights and discuss how they may apply in this case.

In Part 2, I examine the Biological Weapons Convention’s dispute resolution mechanisms. Doing so highlights well-known deficiencies in the Convention’s means of ensuring compliance and enforcement of its rights and obligations. This discussion affords an opportunity to evaluate the Convention’s normative force as an instrument of international law. I argue that one’s conclusion about the Convention’s value depends in part on one’s perspective as to what precisely international law achieves in the context of disputes between States – especially powerful ones – as well as what the realistic prospects are for increasing law’s effectiveness.

Background

In March 2022, still in the initial phase of its Ukraine invasion, Russia claimed to have found evidence that the United States and Ukraine developed biological weapons in violation of international law. Russia publicly asserted it found “evidence of an emergency clean-up performed by the Kiev regime,” which was “aimed at eradicating traces of the military-biological programme, in Ukraine, financed by” the U.S. Department of Defense. Amplifying Russia’s claim, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman stated that Russia uncovered “26 bio-labs and other related facilities in Ukraine,” which the U.S. Department of Defense used “to conduct bio-military plans” and over which it had “absolute control.”

A White House spokeswoman called the Russian claims “preposterous” and responded that it “does not develop or possess [biological] weapons anywhere.” The U.S. State Department described the Russian claims as “total nonsense,” asserting that Ukraine also has no biological weapons labs.

Prior to the invasion, Russia did not use the threat of biological weapons in Ukraine—or U.S. production of such weapons in Ukraine—as a basis for its “special military operation.” However, President Vladimir Putin asserted in April that a “network of Western bioweapons labs” constituted one of the justifications for its invasion.

During the war, Russia has repeatedly raised concerns about U.S. biological warfare at the United Nations Security Council. In response, the U.N. Under Secretary General and High Representative for Disarmament Affairs twice told the Security Council that “there was no evidence of any biological weapons programs in Ukraine.”

On June 13, 2022, Russia submitted diplomatic notes to the United States and Ukraine detailing concerns about their compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention. In particular, Russia raised questions about U.S. involvement in “activities of biological laboratories in the territory of Ukraine.” The original diplomatic correspondence is not publicly available, but Russia later characterized it as seeking a “bilateral consultative process” with the United States and Ukraine concerning their implementation of Articles I and IV of the Biological Weapons Convention.

On June 29, asserting it had not received the “necessary explanations,” Russia requested a formal consultative meeting under Article V of the Biological Weapons Convention. The meeting would aim at “resolving the issues with the United States and Ukraine regarding their compliance” with the Convention “in the context of operation of biological laboratories in the Ukrainian territory.”

The formal consultative meeting took place on September 5-9 in Geneva. In addition to Russia, the United States, and Ukraine, more than 80 States attended. The meeting was not open to the public, but rather only involved States Party and signatories to the Biological Weapons Convention. Thus, although States’ documentary submissions have been cataloged, details about the Geneva discussions are not publicly available.

According to the U.S. State Department, delegations from 35 of the attending States either dismissed Russia’s claims or expressed support for the scientific research the United States and Ukraine were conducting. Some States supported Russia’s claims, including Belarus, Cuba, Iran, Nicaragua, Syria, and Venezuela, although the extent of these States’ support is not clear. China did not endorse Russia’s claims, but its representatives expressed that China was “deeply concerned” about them, calling for an independent international investigation of U.S. biological research.

Russia’s accusations are not new, but rather are part of a long-standing and sustained pattern of unsupported declarations of U.S. development of biological weapons. In 1983, Russian intelligence agents placed an anonymous letter in an Indian newspaper alleging that the United States manufactured the virus that causes AIDS in a military experiment at Fort Detrick, Maryland. In 2008, Russia made unproven claims about an American-financed biological laboratory in the former Soviet republic of Georgia. After an exhaustive historical review of Russian allegations, one researcher concluded that, beginning in the aftermath of the Second World War and lasting until its collapse, the Soviet Union “maintained a nearly continuous campaign of false allegations of biological-weapon use by the United States.”

A Detailed Review of the Russian-U.S. Dispute

Russian Allegations

As detailed in documents submitted to the United States and Ukraine, Russia claims to have uncovered evidence in Ukraine of U.S. “military-biological activities” that violate the Convention. This evidence includes references to U.S. and Ukrainian development of “dangerous pathogens,” such as cholera and anthrax. Russia suggests the United States has handled “pathogens of dangerous infectious diseases that are potential agents of biological weapons.”

In more detailed passages, Russia further alleges it uncovered evidence in Ukraine of U.S. “projects to study the [possible] spread [of] dangerous infections . . . through migratory birds and bats (including pathogens of plague, leptospirosis, brucellosis as well as coronaviruses and filoviruses that are potentially infectious to humans) that can be considered as delivery means.” Crossing into absurdity, Russia then raises “unanswered” questions respecting a U.S. “unmanned aerial vehicle [UAV] for the aerial release of . . . infected mosquitos”—that is, “a device (unit) designed . . . as a technical means of delivery and use of a biological weapon.”

These alleged projects are designed to spread “highly contagious” agents, including “bacteria and viruses,” that “could wipe out 100 percent of the enemy[’s] troops.” Russia claims to have evidence that the weaponized mosquitos would “attack” enemy troops, infecting them “with highly contagious diseases via mosquito bites.” The U.S. program documents allegedly assert that “[s]ickness can be a very valuable military tool” and “infecting an enemy[’s] manpower in such a way would [have] significant military effect.”

In conclusion, Russia contends that the U.S. “military-biological activities” in Ukraine fall within the scope of the Biological Weapons Convention and constitute a violation of international law.

U.S. Response

The United States forcefully rejects Russia’s factual claims. The United States has denied involvement in biological weapons programs and that it operates “secret biological labs in Ukraine and other countries along Russia’s periphery.”

Rather, the United States has said that it provides financial and technical assistance “to dozens of countries, including at one point Russia itself, to protect biological security and public health.” The United States publicly acknowledges funding biological research and assistance in Ukraine and other former Soviet Union republics under the Biological Threat Reduction Program. The Program, originally designed to dismantle Soviet-era nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons after the Cold War, currently focuses on “supporting biological research laboratories that are crucial to monitor and prevent diseases from spreading.”

Furthermore, the United States acknowledges participation in scientific research designed to reduce global biological threats. For example, the United States notes a 2005 agreement with Ukraine to cooperate in researching and developing means to “reduce and eliminate the risk of biological weapons development and proliferation.” The latter includes “biological research” and “biological threat agent detection and response” efforts designed to “reduce the risk of threat or unauthorized use of dangerous pathogens” at Ukrainian research facilities.

The United States admonished Russia for “mischaracterizing” U.S. biological research activities and for drawing “little or no connection” between its factual assertions and legal compliance issues related to the Biological Weapons Convention. As one example, the United States explained that personnel in Ukraine that Russia referred to as “biological weapons experts” were in fact diplomatic and project management personnel performing duties under publicly available agreements to ensure biological clinical samples were safely collected, stored, and transported.

The Biological Weapons Convention

History and Drafting

After the Second World War, the United Nations called on States to eliminate all weapons “adaptable to mass destruction,” including biological weapons. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, States debated issues related to general disarmament as well as special problems of biological warfare. In 1971, these efforts resulted in the creation of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction, known as the Biological Weapons Convention.

The Biological Weapons Convention operates as an arms control and disarmament treaty, prohibiting the development, production, acquisition, transfer, and stockpiling of biological and toxin weapons. It was opened for signature in 1972 and entered into force on March 26, 1975. Currently, the Convention has 183 States Party, including the United States, Ukraine, and Russia, as well as four State signatories.

The Biological Weapons Convention is not the only international legal instrument governing biological weapons and warfare. In 1925, a League of Nations international convention concluded a Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare (known as the Geneva Gas Protocol). The Protocol, which expressly prohibits the use of “bacteriological methods of warfare,” has 146 States Party, including the United States, Ukraine, and Russia.

Scope of Applicability

Article I of the Biological Weapons Convention contains the criteria for its scope of applicability. Article I prohibits States from developing, producing, stockpiling, or otherwise acquiring or retaining (1) “microbial or other biological agents, or toxins whatever their origin or method of production, of types and in quantities that have no justification for prophylactic, protective or other peaceful purposes,” as well as (2) “weapons, equipment or means of delivery designed to use such agents or toxins for hostile purposes or in armed conflict.”

The Convention does not define the terms of Article I, including most notably “microbial agents,” “other biological agents,” “toxins,” and “prophylactic, protective or other peaceful purposes.” This absence is significant, as it leads to ambiguity in understanding the Convention’s threshold criteria, which serve as the gateway to applying the Convention’s rights and obligations. The challenge is especially acute given the risk of ambiguity inherent in efforts to integrate scientific and medical notions in law.

Some have offered definitions for key terms in Article I. For example, in a World Health Organization report published the year before the Convention’s completion, “biological agents” is defined as “those that depend for their effects on multiplication within the target organism, and are intended for use in war to cause disease or death in man, animals or plants.” Somewhat similarly, a 1969 United Nations expert report on chemical and biological weapons defines “bacteriological (biological) agents of warfare” as “living organisms, whatever their nature, or infective material derived from them, which are intended to cause disease or death in man, animals or plants, and which depend for their effects on their ability to multiply in the person, animal or plant attacked” (p. 6).

An influential 2003 report by the UN Institute for Disarmament Research further offers definitions for both “biological weapon” and “biological agent.” According to the report, a “biological weapon” is a “device or vector that delivers biological agents to [a] target.” A “biological agent” is “infective material that causes death or incapacitation through its pathogenic effects.” Such an agent “can be used against man, animals, or plants” and usually “penetrate[s] the human body through the respiratory or digestive system.” Additionally, the report defines “toxins” as “non-living poisonous by-products of plants, animals, micro-organisms, or artificial chemical synthesis.”

States have not endorsed or adopted definitions for Article I in a coordinated or systematic way, instead offering guidance on an ad hoc basis. For example, the U.S. Department of Defense Law of War Manual does not define “biological agent,” but does identify “toxins” as “poisonous chemical substances that are naturally produced by living organisms, and that, if present in the body, produce effects similar to disease in the human body.” The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) defines “biological agent” as a “microorganism or toxin that causes disease in humans, plants, or animals or that causes the deterioration of materiel” (accessible through “search” function). Notably, however, the NATO definition is not expressly linked to the Biological Weapons Convention.

Rights and Obligations under the Treaty

States’ main obligation under the Biological Weapons Convention—noted above—is the Article I prohibition against developing, producing, stockpiling, acquiring, or retaining biological agents or toxins, as well as weapons, equipment, and means of delivery designed to use such agents or toxins. Additionally, Article IV requires States to “take necessary measures” to ensure their territory is not used to develop, produce, acquire, or retain biological agents, toxins, or materiel that falls within the scope of the Convention.

Article III of the Convention serves as a rule of complicity, prohibiting States from assisting, encouraging, or inducing another State or international organization to produce or acquire agents, toxins, weapons, or equipment that falls within the scope of Article I. Article VIII invokes the 1925 Geneva Protocol, asserting that States Party to that instrument remain bound by its prohibition against “bacteriological methods of warfare.”

Finally, under Article X, States retain the right to participate in scientific research concerning biological agents and toxins for peaceful purposes. The article also protects States’ ability to cooperate on biological research that furthers disease prevention and scientific discovery, including the economic development associated with such discoveries.

The Convention’s Applicability to the U.S.-Russia Dispute

The factual dispute established above makes it difficult to form conclusions regarding U.S. and Russian rights and obligations in this case.

If Russia’s allegations are based in truth, its conclusions that the United States and Ukraine violated the Biological Weapons Convention would be supportable. The weaponization of pathogens and infectious diseases to target enemy combatants falls squarely within the scope of Article I and therefore is prohibited under the Convention.

Furthermore, the use of such weapons during armed conflict would undoubtedly violate the 1925 Geneva Protocol’sprohibition against “bacteriological methods of warfare.” Similarly, the alleged facts would support a finding that the United States violated the Articles III complicity prohibition and Ukraine breached its obligation under Article IV to prevent unlawful biological weapons development within its territory.

However, if the claims of the United States and Ukraine are to be believed, it seems clear that they have not violated the Biological Weapons Convention. In its filings at the Geneva meeting, the United States asserted that all of its “biological-related activities” in Ukraine and elsewhere “are for peaceful purposes and fully consistent with its obligations under the Convention.” Thus, the facts as presented by the United States indicate that its research in and with Ukraine concerns types and quantities of biological agents justified for “prophylactic, protective, or other peaceful purposes.” Furthermore, the U.S.-Ukrainian cooperative research as described seems clearly to fall within Article X of the Convention.

As already noted, it is worth emphasizing that Russia has not publicly offered evidence supporting its allegations of U.S. and Ukrainian weaponization of biological agents. In contrast, the United States and Ukraine have offered documentation corroborating their account of lawful biological research.

In Part 2, I will examine the Convention’s dispute resolution mechanisms and how and to what effect Russia used those mechanisms in this case.

***

Robert Lawless is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Law and Managing Director of the Lieber Institute for Law & Land Warfare at the United States Military Academy, West Point.

 

Photo credit: J.N. Eskra

RELATED POSTS

Symposium Intro: Ukraine-Russia Armed Conflict

by 

February 28, 2022

Russia’s “Special Military Operation” and the (Claimed) Right of Self-Defense

by 

February 28, 2022

Legal Status of Ukraine’s Resistance Forces

by Ronald Alcala and Steve Szymanski

February 28, 2022

Cluster Munitions and the Ukraine War

by 

February 28, 2022

Neutrality in the War against Ukraine

by 

March 1, 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War and the European Convention on Human Rights

by 

March 1, 2022

Deefake Technology in the Age of Information Warfare

by 

March 1, 2022

Ukraine and the Defender’s Obligations

by 

March 2, 2022

Are Molotov Cocktails Lawful Weapons?

by 

March 2, 2022

Application of IHL by and to Proxies: The “Republics” of Donetsk and Luhansk

by 

March 3, 2022

Closing the Turkish Straits in Times of War

by 

March 3, 2020

The Abuse of “Peacekeeping”

by 

March 3, 2022

Prisoners of War in Occupied Territory

by 

March 3, 2022

Combatant Privileges and Protections

by 

March 4, 2022

Siege Law

by 

March 4, 2022

Russia’s Illegal Invasion of Ukraine & the Role of International Law

by 

March 4, 2022

Russian Troops Out of Uniform and Prisoner of War Status

by  and 

March 4, 2022

On War

by 

March 5, 2022

Providing Arms and Materiel to Ukraine: Neutrality, Co-belligerency, and the Use of Force

by 

March 7, 2022

Keeping the Ukraine-Russia Jus ad Bellum and Jus in Bello Issues Separate

by 

March 7, 2022

The Other Side of Civilian Protection: The 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention

by 

March 7, 2022

Special Forces, Unprivileged Belligerency, and the War in the Shadows

by 

March 8, 2022

Accountability and Ukraine: Hurdles to Prosecuting War Crimes and Aggression

by 

March 9, 2022

Remarks on the Law Relating to the Use of Force in the Ukraine Conflict

by 

March 9, 2022

Consistency and Change in Russian Approaches to International Law

by 

March 9, 2022

The Fog of War, Civilian Resistance, and the Soft Underbelly of Unprivileged Belligerency

by 

March 10, 2022

Common Article 1 and the Conflict in Ukraine

by 

March 10, 2022

Levée en Masse in Ukraine: Applications, Implications, and Open Questions

by  and 

March 11, 2022

The Attack at the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Plant and Additional Protocol I

by 

March 13, 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War and the Space Domain

by 

March 14, 2022

Fact-finding in Ukraine: Can Anything Be Learned from Yemen?

by 

March 14, 2022

Status of Foreign Fighters in the Ukrainian Legion

by  and 

March 15, 2022

Law Applicable to Persons Fleeing Armed Conflicts

by 

March 15, 2022

Ukraine’s Legal Counterattack

by 

March 17, 2022

The ICJ’s Provisional Measures Order: Unprecedented

by 

March 17, 2022

Displacement from Conflict: Old Realities, New Protections?

by 

March 17, 2022

A No-Fly Zone Over Ukraine and International Law

by 

March 18, 2022

Time for a New War Crimes Commission?

by 

March 18, 2022

Portending Genocide in Ukraine?

by 

March 21, 2022

Are Mercenaries in Ukraine?

by 

March 21, 2022

Abducting Dissent: Kidnapping Public Officials in Occupied Ukraine

by 

March 22, 2022

Are Thermobaric Weapons Unlawful?

by 

March 23, 2022

A Ukraine No-Fly Zone: Further Thoughts on the Law and Policy

by 

March 23, 2022

The War at Sea: Is There a Naval Blockade in the Sea of Azov?

by 

March 24, 2022

Deportation of Ukrainian Civilians to Russia: The Legal Framework

by 

March 24, 2022

Weaponizing Food

by 

March 28, 2022

Command Responsibility and the Ukraine Conflict

by 

March 30, 2022

The Siren Song of Universal Jurisdiction: A Cautionary Note

byand 

April 1, 2022

A War Crimes Primer on the Ukraine-Russia Conflict

by and 

April 4, 2022

Russian Booby-traps and the Ukraine Conflict

by 

April 5, 2022

The Ukraine Conflict, Smart Phones, and the LOAC of Takings

by 

April 7, 2022

War Crimes against Children

by 

April 8, 2022

Weaponizing Civilians: Human Shields in Ukraine

by 

April 11, 2022

Unprecedented Environmental Risks

by 

April 12, 2022

Maritime Exclusion Zones in Armed Conflicts

by 

April 12, 2022

Ukraine’s Levée en Masse and the Obligation to Ensure Respect for LOAC

by 

April 14, 2022

Cultural Property Protection in the Ukraine Conflict

by 

April 14, 2022

Results of a First Enquiry into Violations of International Humanitarian Law in Ukraine

by 

April 14, 2022

Comprehensive Justice and Accountability in Ukraine

by 

April 15, 2022

Maritime Neutrality in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict

by 

April 18, 2022

Cyber Neutrality, Cyber Recruitment, and Cyber Assistance to Ukraine

by 

April 19, 2022

Defiance of Russia’s Demand to Surrender and Combatant Status

by  and 

April 22, 2022

The Montreux Convention and Turkey’s Impact on Black Sea Operations

by  and 

April 25, 2022

Lawful Use of Nuclear Weapons

by  and 

April 26, 2022

Litigating Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine

by 

April 27, 2022

Military Networks and Cyber Operations in the War in Ukraine

by 

April 29, 2022

Building Momentum: Next Steps towards Justice for Ukraine

by 

May 2, 2022

Counternormativity and the International Order

by 

May 3, 2022

Destructive Counter-Mobility Operations and the Law of War

by  and 

May 5, 2022

Are We at War?

by 

May 9, 2022

The Ukraine Conflict and the Future of Digital Cultural Property

by 

May 13, 2022

Neutral State Access to Ukraine’s Food Exports

by 

May 18, 2022

Negotiating an End to the Fighting

by 

May 24, 2022

Is the Law of Neutrality Dead?

by 

May 31, 2022

Effects-based Enforcement of Targeting Law

by  and 

June 2, 2022

U.S. Offensive Cyber Operations in Support of Ukraine

by 

June 6, 2022

War Sanctions Steadily Degrade the Russian Maritime Sector

by 

June 7, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 1

by 

June 22, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 2

by 

June 24, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 3

by 

June 28, 2022

Putting “Overall Control” to the Test of the Third Geneva Convention

by 

July 6, 2022

The Risk of Commercial Actors in Outer Space Drawing States into Armed Conflict

by Tara Brown

July 8, 2022

The Release of Prisoners of War

by 

July 8, 2022

The Attack on the Vasily Bekh and Targeting Logistics Ships

by 

July 11, 2022

Lessons from Syria’s Ceasefires

by 

July 12, 2022

Documentation and Investigation Responses to Serious International Crimes

by Brianne McGonigle Leyh

July 13, 2022

Rebel Prosecutions of Foreign Fighters in Ukraine

by René Provost

July 15, 2022

Forced Civilian Labor in Occupied Territory

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 2, 2022

Forced Conscription in the Self-Declared Republics

by Marten Zwanenburg

August 8, 2022

Amnesty International’s Allegations of Ukrainian IHL Violations

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 8, 2022

Oil Tankers as “Environmental Time Bombs,” or Not

by Mark Jessup

August 12, 2022

The Escalating Military Use of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Plant

by Tom Dannenbaum

August 22, 2022

Protected Zones in International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 24, 2022

Photos of the Dead

by William Casey Biggerstaff

August 19, 2022

Deception and the Law of Armed Conflict

by William Casey Biggerstaff

September 8, 2022

Data-Rich Battlefields and the Future of LOAC

by Shane ReevesRobert Lawless

September 12, 2022

Russian Crimes Against Children

by Oleksii KaminetskyiInna Zavorotko

September 14, 2022

Targeting Leadership

by Mehmet Çoban

September 16, 2022

Illegality of Russia’s Annexations in Ukraine

by Lauri Mälksoo

October 3, 2022

Russia’s Forcible Transfer of Children

by 

October 5, 2022

The Kerch Strait Bridge Attack, Retaliation, and International Law

by Marko MilanovicMichael N. Schmitt

October 12, 2022

Russian Preliminary Objections at the ICJ: The Case Must Go On?

by Ori Pomson

October 13, 2022

The Complicity of Iran in Russia’s Aggression and War Crimes in Ukraine

by

October 19, 2022

Attacking Power Infrastructure under International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

October 20, 2022

Dirty Bombs and International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

October 26, 2022

Doxing Enemy Soldiers and the Law of War

by Eric Talbot Jensen, Sean Watts

October 31, 2022

Are Civilians Reporting With Cell Phones Directly Participating in Hostilities?

by Michael N. Schmitt, William Casey Biggerstaff

November 2, 2022

Using Cellphones to Gather and Transmit Military Information, A Postscript

by Michael N. Schmitt

November 4, 2022

State Responsibility for Non-State Actors’ Conduct

by Jennifer Maddocks

November 4, 2022

Reparations for War: What Options for Ukraine?

by Luke Moffett

November 15, 2022

Further Thoughts on Russia’s Campaign against Ukraine’s Power Infrastructure

by Michael N. Schmitt

November 25, 2022

Print Friendly, PDF & Email