Ukraine Symposium – Russia’s Use of Riot Control Agents in Ukraine


| May 17, 2024

Riot control agents

Russian forces are reportedly using non-lethal chemical weapons known as riot control agents (RCA) to flush combatants out of trenches in eastern Ukraine before attacking them with conventional munitions. According to a report published by Reuters on April 17, the Ukrainian military has “recorded around 900 uses of riot control agents by Russia in the past six months out of over 1,400 since the Feb. 2022 invasion.”

Russia has denied previous claims of RCA use (and it has accused Ukraine’s military of using RCAs on the battlefield). However, Ukraine’s latest claims are difficult to dispute. For example, in December 2023, Forbes released a drone video of Russian forces dropping munitions, which release a white smoky substance, into a Ukrainian entrenchment before attacking two soldiers who are clearly affected. According to the latest U.S. Department of State Annual Report on Compliance with the Chemical Weapons Convention, the video depicts Russia’s 88th Brigade dropping Cheremukha (“Bird Cherry”) tear gas grenades into Ukrainian trenches. Finally, in a video posted by the State-controlled Russian Channel One, soldiers assigned to Russia’s 810th Naval Infantry Brigade openly admitted to dropping RCA grenades into Ukrainian trenches “in order to smoke them out from fortified positions.” The United States and Ukraine have each described this Russian tactic as illegal. Specifically, each State has accused Russia of violating the Chemical Weapons Convention.

In this post, I describe what RCAs are and how they typically impact the human body and psyche. I briefly explain why law enforcement agencies and militaries employ them. Next, I reiterate the treaty provisions and customary legal rules applicable to RCAs during armed conflict. Finally, I conclude that Russia’s use of RCAs in Ukraine is an unlawful method of warfare.

What Are Riot Control Agents?

Riot control agents, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, are “chemical compounds that temporarily make people unable to function by causing irritation to the eyes, mouth, throat, lungs, and skin.” The most common RCAs are “tear gas” and “pepper spray.” They are sometimes referred to as “lacrimators” (because they cause tear formation) or “sternutators” (because they may cause exposed people to sneeze).

Like everyone in the U.S. Army, I have been exposed to tear gas (during a training event intended to build confidence in the M50 gas mask), and it is completely, albeit temporarily, incapacitating. Riot control agents burn mucous membranes, including the eyes, tongue, and skin. Exposure to RCAs can also induce fright and anxiety (see this video of U.S. Army recruits being exposed to CS gas (at the 2:00 minute mark)). As one Ukrainian infantryman explained to Reuters, exposure to the Russian tear gas “disturbs and knocks you out. It makes it very difficult to carry out your duties once you’ve inhaled it.”

Common tear gases include the chemicals o-Chlorobenzylidene Malononitrile (CS), Chloroacetophenone (CN), or dibenzoxazepine (CR). According to the head of the Ukrainian military’s atomic, biological, and chemical defense forces, Russian forces have used various types of hand-grenade “loaded with CS, CN, and other gases.” However, the term “gas” is a misnomer. According to this training video presented by the U.S. Army’s Chemical Casualty Care Division in 2000, tear gases are, in fact, dispersals of aerosolized solid materials (e.g., powder) containing one or more of the chemicals listed above.

Pepper sprays include oleoresin capsicum (OC), which is derived from plants (e.g., chili pepper oil), or pelargonic acid vanillylamide, a synthetic version of OC. Interestingly, according to the online Weapons Law Encyclopedia, less common RCAs include the chemical N-nonanoylmorpholine, which is “manufactured predominantly in the Russian Federation and Ukraine.”

Finally, rare forms of RCAs include chloropicrin, “which induces severe vomiting and excessive tear formation.”Ukraine and the United States have accused Russian forces of conducting anti-personnel attacks with chloropicrin, a chemical compound used throughout the First World War. According to the Merck Manual, chloropicrin “is occasionally regarded as a riot-control agent, although it is more properly classified as a pulmonary agent.”

Why Use Riot Control Agents?

Modern RCAs were originally developed for domestic law enforcement purposes. The Parisian police were the first to deploy them; they did so to dispel anti-war rioters just before the First World War. Today, law enforcement organizations around the world use pepper sprays and tear gases lawfully to subdue violent people, disperse protestors, and control dangerous crowds (e.g., rioting inmates). Riot control agents are particularly attractive tools in domestic settings because a miniscule amount (i.e., 5 mg-min/m3) will temporarily incapacitate a person. It requires a substantial amount (i.e., 61,000 mg-min/m3) to kill a person.

Many States also maintain RCAs for military use. As Lieutenant Colonel Matt Montazzoli correctly noted in 2021, during armed conflict, “RCA may not lawfully be deployed to deliberately target combatants, but it is misleading to claim they can never be employed during combat.” In accordance with U.S. law (Executive Order 11850), members of the U.S. military can employ RCAs “in war . . . in defensive modes to save lives.”

Thus, according to the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) Law of War Manual (§ 6.16.2) the U.S. military may lawfully employ RCAs during armed conflict:

– in riot control situations in areas under direct and distinct U.S. military control, including controlling rioting prisoners of war;

– in situations in which civilians are used to mask or screen attacks and civilian casualties can be reduced or avoided;

– in rescue missions in remotely isolated areas, of downed aircrews and passengers, and escaping prisoners; and

– in rear echelon areas outside the zone of immediate combat to protect convoys from civil disturbances, terrorists, and paramilitary organizations.

One author surmised that RCAs could have been used during the Battle of Mogadishu in October 1993 in a defensive mode as U.S. military personnel were maneuvering from Bakara Market to Mogadishu International Airport. Theoretically, RCAs might have been useful to U.S. forces attempting to disperse crowds at Hamid Karzai International Airport during the final withdrawal from Afghanistan. And in a previous post for Articles of War, Major Kevin Coble and I discussed how RCAs may be used to save hostages taken in the context of an armed conflict.

Treaty Law and Customary International Law

The United States does not consider RCAs to be “chemical weapons” banned by customary law or the 1925 Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare (see also, International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Customary International Law Study, Rule 75).

However, the 1993 Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction (the Chemical Weapons Convention or CWC), which is applicable in both international and non-international armed conflicts, specifically regulates RCAs. Article II(7) of the CWC defines RCA as, “[a]ny chemical . . . which can produce rapidly in humans sensory irritation or disabling physical effects which disappear within a short time.”

Article I(5) of the CWC, prohibits the “use [of] riot control agents as a method of warfare” (emphasis added). Russia and Ukraine are both party to the CWC.

The CWC does not define the phrase “as a method of warfare.” However, the term generally refers to warfighting tactics (see the DoD Law of War Manual, § 5.1.1). For example, as the Manual on International Law Applicable to Air and Missile Warfare makes clear, “methods of warfare” include “attacks and other activities designed to adversely affect the enemy’s military operations or military capacity” (p. 5). The relevant question, then, considering the reports described above is whether Russia’s use of RCAs to flush Ukrainian soldiers out of trenches (and then attack them) constitutes a “method of warfare.”

In my view, it does. In other words, the use of RCAs to flush combatants from defensive positions for the purpose of subsequently attacking them constitutes a “method of warfare” prohibited by the CWC. Many others agree. For example, during testimony taken as part of the CWC ratification process in the U.S. Senate, Dr. Amy Smithson, an expert on chemical and biological weapons, explained,

The law of war describes a method of warfare as a way to attain military objectives . . . . According to this definition, flushing enemy soldiers from foxholes into the line of fire, or launching an RCA attack on an enemy command post easily qualify as method of warfare uses.

In a 2001 article for the Naval Law Review, then-Major Ernest Harper, noted that, “[e]mployment of RCA in advance of lethal weapons, whether chemical or conventional, against enemy troops, positions and equipment is the archetypal use as a method of warfare.”

Finally, in a 2007 article for the University of New Hampshire Law Review, Professor Joseph Tessier argued convincingly that the use of chemical agents to flush enemy fighters from defensive positions so that they may be killed (the so-called tactic of “shake and bake”) is a method of warfare. Therefore, Russia’s use of RCAs in Ukraine violates Article I(5) of the CWC and customary international law.

However, it would be somewhat disingenuous to ignore the fact that many militaries, including the U.S. military, have used chemicals (most notably white phosphorous) to flush combatants out of enclosed spaces for the purposes of attacking them. It is an ancient tactic. For example, between 431 and 404 B.C., the Spartans “saturated wood with pitch and sulphur and burned it under the walls of Platea and Belium . . . in the hope of choking the defenders and rendering the assault less difficult.”

In modern times, the U.S. Army relied on white phosphorous to defeat German forces in the Second World War. According to one U.S. Army officer quoted in Time Magazine in 1943 (reportedly at the conclusion of the Sicilian campaign),

The Germans are very allergic to [white phosphorus]. We would root them out of their foxholes with well-placed rounds of phosphorus and when we had them above ground we plastered them with HE [high explosives].

The British Army used white phosphorous against the Argentinians for similar purposes during the Falklands War. Of course, these examples pre-date the CWC, which came into effect in April 1997. But the U.S. and British armies relied on “shake and bake” tactics again in Iraq between 2004 and 2005 after ratifying the CWC. According to Colonel Tim Collins of the British Special Air Service (discussing operations in Basra),

The star of the show was the new grenade which had only been on issue since the previous summer. It absolutely trashed the inside of the room it was put into. I directed the men to use them where possible with white phosphorus, as the noxious smoke and heat had the effect of drawing out enemy from cover, while the fragmentation grenade would shred them.

Additionally, as Pentagon spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Barry Venable explained in 2005,

When you have enemy forces that are in covered positions that your high explosive artillery rounds are not having an impact on and you wish to get them out of those positions, one technique is to fire a white phosphorus round into the position because the combined effects of the fire and smoke—and in some cases the terror brought about by the explosion on the ground—will drive them out of the holes so that you can kill them with high explosives.

The important factual distinction is that white phosphorous is not an RCA and, therefore, not explicitly regulated by Article I(5) of the CWC. As others have noted, white phosphorous falls outside of the CWC’s purview because it is not “specifically designed to cause death or other harm” by means of a “toxic chemical.” Thus, as the DoD Law of War Manual makes clear, “white phosphorous may be used as an anti-personnel weapon” (§


While the distinction between RCAs and white phosphorous may not be satisfying, there is a distinction, nonetheless. The CWC and customary international law strictly prohibit the use of RCAs like tear gases and pepper spray as a “method of warfare” during armed conflict. The Russian Army’s use of CS and CN gases to irritate entrenched Ukrainian soldiers before attacking them with conventional munitions is, therefore, a violation of the law of armed conflict.


Major John C. Tramazzo is an active-duty Army judge advocate and a military professor in the Stockton Center for International Law in Newport, Rhode Island.




Photo credit: Marines from Arlington, VA


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February 28, 2022

Russia’s “Special Military Operation” and the (Claimed) Right of Self-Defense

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Legal Status of Ukraine’s Resistance Forces

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Cluster Munitions and the Ukraine War

by William H. Boothby

February 28, 2022

Neutrality in the War against Ukraine

by Wolff Heintschel von Heinegg

March 1, 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War and the European Convention on Human Rights

by Marko Milanovic

March 1, 2022

Deefake Technology in the Age of Information Warfare

by Hitoshi Nasu

March 1, 2022

Ukraine and the Defender’s Obligations

by Eric Jensen

March 2, 2022

Are Molotov Cocktails Lawful Weapons?

by Sean Watts

March 2, 2022

Application of IHL by and to Proxies: The “Republics” of Donetsk and Luhansk

by Marco Sassòli

March 3, 2022

Closing the Turkish Straits in Times of War

by Raul (Pete) Pedrozo

March 3, 2020

The Abuse of “Peacekeeping”

by Alexander Gilder

March 3, 2022

Prisoners of War in Occupied Territory

by Geoff Corn

March 3, 2022

Combatant Privileges and Protections

by Laurie R. Blank

March 4, 2022

Siege Law

by Sean Watts

March 4, 2022

Russia’s Illegal Invasion of Ukraine & the Role of International Law

by Michael Kelly

March 4, 2022

Russian Troops Out of Uniform and Prisoner of War Status

by Chris Koschnitzky and Michael N. Schmitt

March 4, 2022

On War

by Andrew Clapham

March 5, 2022

Providing Arms and Materiel to Ukraine: Neutrality, Co-belligerency, and the Use of Force

by Michael N. Schmitt

March 7, 2022

Keeping the Ukraine-Russia Jus ad Bellum and Jus in Bello Issues Separate

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March 7, 2022

The Other Side of Civilian Protection: The 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention

by Jelena Pejic

March 7, 2022

Special Forces, Unprivileged Belligerency, and the War in the Shadows

by Ken Watkin

March 8, 2022

Accountability and Ukraine: Hurdles to Prosecuting War Crimes and Aggression

by Lauren Sanders

March 9, 2022

Remarks on the Law Relating to the Use of Force in the Ukraine Conflict

by Terry D. Gill

March 9, 2022

Consistency and Change in Russian Approaches to International Law

by Jeffrey Kahn

March 9, 2022

The Fog of War, Civilian Resistance, and the Soft Underbelly of Unprivileged Belligerency

by Gary Corn

March 10, 2022

Common Article 1 and the Conflict in Ukraine

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March 10, 2022

Levée en Masse in Ukraine: Applications, Implications, and Open Questions

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March 11, 2022

The Attack at the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Plant and Additional Protocol I

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March 13, 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War and the Space Domain

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March 14, 2022

Fact-finding in Ukraine: Can Anything Be Learned from Yemen?

by Charles Garraway

March 14, 2022

Status of Foreign Fighters in the Ukrainian Legion

by Petra Ditrichová and Veronika Bílková

March 15, 2022

Law Applicable to Persons Fleeing Armed Conflicts

by Julia Grignon

March 15, 2022

Ukraine’s Legal Counterattack

by Michael Kelly

March 17, 2022

The ICJ’s Provisional Measures Order: Unprecedented

by Ori Pomson

March 17, 2022

Displacement from Conflict: Old Realities, New Protections?

by Ruvi Ziegler

March 17, 2022

A No-Fly Zone Over Ukraine and International Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

March 18, 2022

Time for a New War Crimes Commission?

by Diane Marie Amann

March 18, 2022

Portending Genocide in Ukraine?

by Adam Oler

March 21, 2022

Are Mercenaries in Ukraine?

by Robert Lawless

March 21, 2022

Abducting Dissent: Kidnapping Public Officials in Occupied Ukraine

by Katharine Fortin

March 22, 2022

Are Thermobaric Weapons Unlawful?

by Matt Montazzoli

March 23, 2022

A Ukraine No-Fly Zone: Further Thoughts on the Law and Policy

by Terry D. Gill

March 23, 2022

The War at Sea: Is There a Naval Blockade in the Sea of Azov?

by Martin Fink

March 24, 2022

Deportation of Ukrainian Civilians to Russia: The Legal Framework

by Michael N. Schmitt

March 24, 2022

Weaponizing Food

by Michael N. Schmitt

March 28, 2022

Command Responsibility and the Ukraine Conflict

by Noëlle Quénivet

March 30, 2022

The Siren Song of Universal Jurisdiction: A Cautionary Note

bySteve Szymanski and Peter C. Combe

April 1, 2022

A War Crimes Primer on the Ukraine-Russia Conflict

by Sean Watts and Hitoshi Nasu

April 4, 2022

Russian Booby-traps and the Ukraine Conflict

by Michael N. Schmitt

April 5, 2022

The Ukraine Conflict, Smart Phones, and the LOAC of Takings

by Gary Corn

April 7, 2022

War Crimes against Children

by Véronique Aubert

April 8, 2022

Weaponizing Civilians: Human Shields in Ukraine

by Michael N. Schmitt

April 11, 2022

Unprecedented Environmental Risks

by Karen Hulme

April 12, 2022

Maritime Exclusion Zones in Armed Conflicts

by Raul (Pete) Pedrozo

April 12, 2022

Ukraine’s Levée en Masse and the Obligation to Ensure Respect for LOAC

by Jann K. Kleffner

April 14, 2022

Cultural Property Protection in the Ukraine Conflict

by Dick Jackson

April 14, 2022

Results of a First Enquiry into Violations of International Humanitarian Law in Ukraine

by Marco Sassòli

April 14, 2022

Comprehensive Justice and Accountability in Ukraine

by Chris Jenks

April 15, 2022

Maritime Neutrality in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict

by David Letts

April 18, 2022

Cyber Neutrality, Cyber Recruitment, and Cyber Assistance to Ukraine

by Nicholas Tsagourias

April 19, 2022

Defiance of Russia’s Demand to Surrender and Combatant Status

by Chris Koschnitzky and Steve Szymanski

April 22, 2022

The Montreux Convention and Turkey’s Impact on Black Sea Operations

by Adam Aliano and Russell Spivak

April 25, 2022

Lawful Use of Nuclear Weapons

by Jay Jackson and Kenneth “Daniel” Jones

April 26, 2022

Litigating Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine

by Lawrence Hill-Cawthorne

April 27, 2022

Military Networks and Cyber Operations in the War in Ukraine

by Heather Harrison Dinniss

April 29, 2022

Building Momentum: Next Steps towards Justice for Ukraine

by Philippa Webb

May 2, 2022

Counternormativity and the International Order

by Dan E. Stigall

May 3, 2022

Destructive Counter-Mobility Operations and the Law of War

by Sean Watts and Winston Williams

May 5, 2022

Are We at War?

by Michael N. Schmitt

May 9, 2022

The Ukraine Conflict and the Future of Digital Cultural Property

by Ronald Alcala

May 13, 2022

Neutral State Access to Ukraine’s Food Exports

by James Kraska

May 18, 2022

Negotiating an End to the Fighting

by Michael N. Schmitt

May 24, 2022

Is the Law of Neutrality Dead?

by Raul (Pete) Pedrozo

May 31, 2022

Effects-based Enforcement of Targeting Law

by Geoff Corn and Sean Watts

June 2, 2022

U.S. Offensive Cyber Operations in Support of Ukraine

by Michael N. Schmitt

June 6, 2022

War Sanctions Steadily Degrade the Russian Maritime Sector

by James Kraska

June 7, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 1

by Chris Jenks

June 22, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 2

by Chris Jenks

June 24, 2022

The Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group & Ukrainian Prosecutions of Russian POWs – Part 3

by Chris Jenks

June 28, 2022

Putting “Overall Control” to the Test of the Third Geneva Convention

by Alessandra Spadaro

July 6, 2022

The Risk of Commercial Actors in Outer Space Drawing States into Armed Conflict

by Tara Brown

July 8, 2022

The Release of Prisoners of War

by Jeroen van den Boogaard

July 8, 2022

The Attack on the Vasily Bekh and Targeting Logistics Ships

by James Kraska

July 11, 2022

Lessons from Syria’s Ceasefires

by Marika Sosnowski

July 12, 2022

Documentation and Investigation Responses to Serious International Crimes

by Brianne McGonigle Leyh

July 13, 2022

Rebel Prosecutions of Foreign Fighters in Ukraine

by René Provost

July 15, 2022

Forced Civilian Labor in Occupied Territory

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 2, 2022

Forced Conscription in the Self-Declared Republics

by Marten Zwanenburg

August 8, 2022

Amnesty International’s Allegations of Ukrainian IHL Violations

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 8, 2022

Oil Tankers as “Environmental Time Bombs,” or Not

by Mark Jessup

August 12, 2022

The Escalating Military Use of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Plant

by Tom Dannenbaum

August 22, 2022

Protected Zones in International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 24, 2022

Photos of the Dead

by William Casey Biggerstaff

August 19, 2022

Deception and the Law of Armed Conflict

by William Casey Biggerstaff

September 8, 2022

Data-Rich Battlefields and the Future of LOAC

by Shane ReevesRobert Lawless

September 12, 2022

Russian Crimes Against Children

by Oleksii KaminetskyiInna Zavorotko

September 14, 2022

Targeting Leadership

by Mehmet Çoban

September 16, 2022

Illegality of Russia’s Annexations in Ukraine

by Lauri Mälksoo

October 3, 2022

Russia’s Forcible Transfer of Children

by Alison Bisset

October 5, 2022

The Kerch Strait Bridge Attack, Retaliation, and International Law

by Marko MilanovicMichael N. Schmitt

October 12, 2022

Russian Preliminary Objections at the ICJ: The Case Must Go On?

by Ori Pomson

October 13, 2022

The Complicity of Iran in Russia’s Aggression and War Crimes in Ukraine

by Marko Milanovic

October 19, 2022

Attacking Power Infrastructure under International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

October 20, 2022

Dirty Bombs and International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

October 26, 2022

Doxing Enemy Soldiers and the Law of War

by Eric Talbot JensenSean Watts

October 31, 2022

Are Civilians Reporting With Cell Phones Directly Participating in Hostilities?

by Michael N. SchmittWilliam Casey Biggerstaff

November 2, 2022

Using Cellphones to Gather and Transmit Military Information, A Postscript

by Michael N. Schmitt

November 4, 2022

State Responsibility for Non-State Actors’ Conduct

by Jennifer Maddocks

November 4, 2022

Reparations for War: What Options for Ukraine?

by Luke Moffett

November 15, 2022

Further Thoughts on Russia’s Campaign against Ukraine’s Power Infrastructure

by Michael N. Schmitt

November 25, 2022

Russia’s Allegations of U.S. Biological Warfare in Ukraine – Part I

by Robert Lawless

December 2, 2022

Russia’s Allegations of U.S. Biological Warfare in Ukraine – Part II

by Robert Lawless

December 9, 2022

The THeMIS Bounty Part I: Seizure of Enemy Property

by Christopher Malis and Hitoshi Nasu

December 12, 2022

Classification of the Conflict(s)

by Michael N. Schmitt

December 14, 2022

The THeMIS Bounty Part II: Stealing Enemy Technology

by Christopher Malis, Hitoshi Nasu

December 16, 2022

The “I Want to Live” Project and Technologically-Enabled Surrender

by David WallaceShane Reeves

January 13, 2023

UN Peacekeepers and the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Plant

by Alexander Gilder

January 20, 2023

What’s in a Name? Getting it Right for the Naval “Drone” Attack on Sevastopol

by Caroline Tuckett

January 23, 2023

Ukraine’s “Suicide Drone Boats” and International Law

by Charles M. Layne

January 25, 2023

The Impact of Sanctions on Humanitarian Aid

by Alexandra Francis

January 27, 2023

A Wagner Group Fighter in Norway

by Camilla Cooper

February 1, 2023

The Legal and Practical Challenges of Surrendering to Drones

by William Casey Biggerstaff,Caitlin Chiaramonte

February 8, 2023

Field-Modified Weapons under the Law of War

by Ronald Alcala

February 13, 2023

The Wagner Group: Status and Accountability

by Winston WilliamsJennifer Maddocks

February 23, 2023

The Law of Crowdsourced War: Democratized Supply Chains – Part I

by Gary Corn

March 1, 2023

Reprisals in International Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

March 6, 2023

The Law of Belligerent Occupation

by David A. Wallace 

March 8, 2023

Seizure of Russian State Assets: State Immunity and Countermeasures

by Daniel Franchini

March 8, 2023

The Law of Crowdsourced War: Democratized Supply Chains – Part II

by Gary Corn

March 15, 2023

“Damn the Torpedoes!”: Naval Mines in the Black Sea

by Ben RothchildMark Jessup

March 15, 2023

Landmines and the War In Ukraine

by Dario PronestiJeroen van den Boogaard

March 20, 2023

Russia’s “Re-Education” Camps: Grave Violations Against Children in Armed Conflict

by Alison Bisset

March 20, 2023

A Path Forward for Food Security in Armed Conflict


March 22, 2023

The Legality of Depleted Uranium Shells and Their Transfer to Ukraine

by Stuart Casey-Maslen

March 24, 2023

Accountability for Cyber War Crimes

by Lindsay Freeman

April 14, 2023

Destruction of the Kakhovka Dam: Disproportionate and Prohibited

by Anaïs Maroonian

June 29, 2023

Transfers of POWs to Third States

by Marten Zwanenburg, Arjen Vermeer

July 19, 2023

Territorial Acquisition and Armed Conflict

by Michael N. Schmitt

August 29, 2023

Mine Clearance Operations in the Black Sea

by Rob McLaughlin

December 20, 2023

Retaliatory Warfare and International Humanitarian Law

by Michael N. Schmitt

January 2, 2024 

Legal Reflections on the Russia-Ukraine Prisoner Exchange

by Pavle Kilibarda

February 5, 2024

New ICC Arrest Warrants for Russian Flag Officers

by Michael Kelly

March 8, 2024